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  • Summary - Book "We Now Know Rethinking Cold War History". Course: The Cold War (HIST ). Gaddis p. Summary: The Basis for Conflict between US. Mar 1, We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History. Summary This is the pressing question that historians have argued over since the 's. John Lewis Gaddis. We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History. New York: Oxford University Press, x + pp. $ (cloth), ISBN

    currently know Summary what we

    The universalism in Wilson's and Lenin's proclamations might well have surprised Tocqueville or any other nineteenth century observer, though: They constituted, albeit in wholly different ways, fundamental challenges to the international state system itself: Nothing like this had happened since the most militant days of the French Revolution; certainly there was no precedent for such sweeping and urgent pronouncements in the prior record of either American or Russian foreign policy.

    An important feature of ideological thinking is its determinism. Ideologists convince themselves, and seek to convince others, that history is on their side, that progress toward the goal they have chosen is inevitable and therefore irresistible. And yet the ideological confrontation between Wilson and Lenin arose more from coincidence than from predestination: Wilson took the United States into the war only because the Kaiser's government had unwisely resumed all-out submarine warfare and then even more foolishly proposed an alliance with Mexico--an offer the British intercepted and quickly leaked to the Americans--promising the return of "lost provinces" extending from Texas to California.

    Meanwhile, and with equal imprudence, the Germans had arranged for Lenin to travel from his exile in Switzerland back to Petrograd, thus setting in motion the astonishing sequence of events that would so quickly place a tiny band of quarreling conspirators in charge of the largest nation on the face of the earth. Wilson and Lenin responded to the situations in which they found themselves with a combination of improvisation, eloquence, purposefulness, and sheer audacity that would have been striking enough in either of them but that seems remarkable for having occurred, simultaneously, in both.

    We cannot know what course events would have taken had the great reformer and the great revolutionary not reached their respective preeminences--from which they proclaimed their respective messages to the world--at just the same time. History could hardly have happened as it did, though, without these two most messianic of twentieth century leaders.

    The moment was one of what chaos theorists call "sensitive dependence on initial conditions: Contingency created circumstances in which Wilson and Lenin defined mutually hostile ideological visions, imposed them upon the countries they led, and then departed from their positions of leadership, leaving it to less visionary successors to determine what their legacies were to be.

    III The events of created a symbolic basis for conflict between communism and capitalism by setting the self-proclaimed objectives of the United States and Soviet Russia against one another in the most fundamental way.

    But this clash of ideas brought few actual conflicts over the next quarter-century. International rivalries aligned themselves less than one might have anticipated along the ideological polarities Wilson and Lenin had left behind. Instead of leading the movement to eliminate the causes of war, as Wilson had hoped, Americans relinquished the global predominance their military exertions had earned them; they thereby violated a basic premise of international relations theory, which is that great powers, having attained that status, do not willingly give it up.

    Instead of provoking world revolution, as Lenin had desired, his government began its transformation into a stifling and bureaucratized tyranny, thereby violating Marxist theories about the withering away of the state and the liberation of the masses who lived within it. Europe was again left, for the most part, to its own devices, with neither Washington nor Moscow exerting influence commensurate with the globalist pretensions each had earlier advanced.

    Americans by no means isolated themselves from Europe after World War I. The United States participated, along with the British, the French, and the Japanese, in a half-hearted occupation of Russian territory that lasted from to ; but the motives behind that enterprise were a confused muddle, and its results were correspondingly ineffective.

    Intervention may even have helped the Bolsheviks by allowing them to pose as defenders of Russian nationalism. There is little reason to think that they would have been any less hostile toward the capitalist world if it had never taken place. The United States also retained the expanded economic ties with Europe that grew out of its shift, during the war, from international debtor to creditor.

    American private capital, it is now clear, was almost as important to the Europeans' recovery during the s as was the much more visible Marshall Plan after World War II. But economic influence alone can neither reshape an international system nor determine everything that happens within it, and it was in the non-economic sphere that American actions fell short of Wilsonian aspirations. The most significant geopolitical development of the early postwar years was surely the fact that the United States, despite its abortive intervention in Russia and its involvement in European economic stabilization, made no significant attempts after to shape political-military developments on the Continent.

    It chose this self-effacing path, historians have variously argued, because the nation's long-standing tradition of peacetime isolationism reasserted itself, or because Wilson had asked too much of the American people during the war, or because he had obtained too little of his visionary plan for peace in the Versailles Treaty.

    But there was a deeper reason as well: Germany had been defeated; Soviet Russia was torn by civil war and factional disputes; Great Britain and France had been "associates" during the war and could hardly, in the future, be enemies. To the extent that there was any perceived danger in the s it came from Japan's growing navy, and inasmuch as Washington had a coherent national security policy during that decade, it focused on handling that problem.

    The consequences of this disengagement from Europe are bound to have been important, although scholars disagree as to what they were. Some have maintained that the United States's failure to assume Britain's role as global economic hegemon left an absence of managerial authority that intensified and prolonged the Great Depression.

    Others have insisted that greater American assertiveness would have bolstered the European democracies' determination to resist Adolf Hitler, and hence might have prevented World War II. One pattern is definite, though: Americans were reluctant to assume world responsibilities in the absence of clear and present danger. Despite the alarms suspected subversive activities set off inside the United States, most notoriously during the "Red Scare" of , the Soviet Union in the interwar years failed to meet that standard.

    Indeed, the most significant Soviet American contacts during this period involved the efforts of American corporations--all of them reliable bastions of capitalism--to increase trade with and investment in the world's only communist state. Lenin was no isolationist: But these approaches undercut more than they reinforced one another. Barely concealed attempts to overthrow capitalist governments made it difficult for Soviet diplomats to negotiate with them.

    Chilled relations, in turn, did little to discourage efforts to root out Comintern agents. Nor did the Bolsheviks free their proletarian internationalism from the parochial habits of Russian radicalism, a deficiency that made their appeal to European workers less successful than it might otherwise have been.

    Meanwhile, as with most revolutions, the passage of time was shifting the goals of this one from the immediately attainable to the ultimately desirable. As Lenin's successor, Josef Stalin, consolidated his power during the latter half of the s, he by no means abandoned the goal of world revolution, but he did place increasing emphasis on first building up the strength and security of the Soviet state.

    The USSR would probably have become a great power even if Stalin had followed his mother's advice and become a Georgian priest, but the fact that he did not--that this deceptively unimpressive figure succeeded in outmaneuvering all other aspirants to the succession as well as Lenin's own attempts to deny it to him--very much affected the way in which that happened. It is possible to imagine a Trotsky or a Bukharin ordering the collectivization of agriculture and the large-scale industrialization this was to have made possible.

    It is not at all clear, though, that they or anyone else would have implemented these measures with the brutality Stalin relied upon, or that they would have followed them with massive purges against mostly imaginary enemies. Paranoia--the tendency to "place sinister interpretations on events that may have no sinister bearing, and attribute hostile motives to acts that may have no hostile intent"--need not be incapacitating: The number of deaths resulting from Stalin's policies before World War II, it is now agreed in both Russia and the West, was between 17 and 22 million--substantially more than twice the number of Hitler's victims in the Holocaust.

    The scale of this disaster makes the words that characterize it seem bleached, like the bones of the dead. But one way of putting it is that Stalin had conflated the requirements of national with personal security in a completely unprecedented way.

    It is revealing that the historical figure he most sought to emulate was not Lenin--whose experiments with terror were bad enough--but Ivan the Terrible. Years later Stalin's successor, Nikita Khrushchev, would recall his old boss's "utter irresponsibility and complete lack of respect for anyone other than himself.

    This supreme act of egoism spawned innumerable tragedies: It did so, first, by undercutting potential resistance within Germany itself. Stalin's distrust of European socialism was so great that he forbade the German Communist Party from collaborating with the Social Democrats to oppose the Nazi assumption of power in Alarmed by the results of this policy, he then allowed his foreign minister, Maxim Litvinov, to advocate collective security through the League of Nations, but just as the highly visible Moscow purge trials were getting underway.

    Stalin put his own terror on public display, therefore, at a time when Hitler's, for the most part, was still hidden: Nor did they monopolize short-sightedness: Stalin himself had long hoped for some kind of cooperation with Nazi Germany, despite the ideological inconsistencies this would have involved. His decision to sign a non-aggression pact with Hitler in August , just days before Germany invaded Poland and less than two years before it would attack the Soviet Union itself, was entirely in keeping with the spirit, and the characteristic competence, of Stalinist diplomacy.

    Despite a contrast in forms of government that could hardly have been greater, Soviet and American leaders shared a sense of impotence as war again approached. Neither country could control what was happening, nor did there seem to be the slightest prospect that they might in the future cooperate.

    An informed observer, as late as the end of , would have had every reason to regard Tocqueville's prophecy about an eventual Russian and American domination of the world as, still, a wild improbability.

    IV There were important parallels, but equally important differences, in the careers of Hitler and Stalin. Both had risen from being outsiders in their respective societies to positions of unchallenged authority over them; both had been underestimated by potential rivals; both were prepared to use whatever methods were available--including terror--to achieve their purposes.

    Both exploited the fact that a harsh peace and the onset of a global economic crisis had stalled the advance of democracy in Europe, but not the technological means of controlling large populations; both made full use of the opportunities for propaganda, surveillance, and swift action provided by such innovations as the telephone, radio, motion pictures, automobiles, and airplanes.

    Both benefited, as a consequence, from the conviction of many Europeans that authoritarianism was the wave of the future. Both merged personal with national interests; both dedicated themselves to implementing internationalist ideologies.

    But where Stalin looked toward an eventual world proletarian revolution, Hitler sought immediate racial purification. Where Stalin was cautiously flexible, Hitler stuck to his perverse principles through thick and thin: Where Stalin was patient, prepared to take as long as necessary to achieve his ambitions, Hitler was frenetic, determined to meet deadlines he himself had imposed. Where Stalin sought desperately to stay out of war, Hitler set out quite deliberately to provoke it. Both authoritarians wanted to dominate Europe, a fact that placed them at odds with the traditional American interest in maintaining a balance of power there.

    But only Hitler was in a position to attempt domination: It certainly did so in Washington and London. Roosevelt had long regarded Nazi Germany as the primary danger to American security and had sought, ever since extending diplomatic recognition to the Soviet Union in , to leave the way open for cooperation with Moscow. Winston Churchill loathed Marxism-Leninism at least as much as his predecessor Neville Chamberlain, but he shared Roosevelt's view that geopolitics was more important than ideology.

    Both leaders foresaw the fragility of the Nazi-Soviet alliance and were prepared to accept Soviet help in containing Hitler whenever that became possible. They also repeatedly warned Stalin of the impending German attack in the winter and spring of Only the Soviet dictator's misplaced faith in a fellow authoritarian--a kind of brutal romanticism, to which his own temperament and style of governing would allow no challenge--prevented the necessary defensive measures and made Hitler's invasion in June of that year such a devastating surprise.

    He struck because he had always believed German racial interests required Lebensraum in the east; but he paid little attention to what Napoleon's precedent suggested about the imprudence of invading Russia while Great Britain remained undefeated.

    It is even more difficult to account for Hitler's declaration of war on the United States the following December, four days after the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor. Had he not acted, Roosevelt would have found himself under immense pressure to divert American resources--including the Lend Lease aid already flowing to Great Britain and even by then to the Soviet Union--to the Pacific.

    The best explanation of Hitler's behavior appears to be that excitement over Japan's entry into the war impaired his ability to think clearly, and in an autocratic system no mechanisms existed to repair the damage. Both Stalin and Hitler made foolish mistakes in , and for much the same reason: The effect turned out to be a fortunate one, because it eliminated any possibility of an authoritarian coalition directed against the United States and its democratic allies; instead, the democracies now aligned themselves, however uneasily, with one authoritarian state against the other.

    A must for any politics or modern history student. One person found this helpful. This is a must read book for anyone interested in the Cold War. It is without doubt the most objectively written and well researched book I have read on the subject. Gaddis' recent work on the Cold War has been somewhat hampered for many of the same reasons as most other Realists since the end of the Cold War.

    Fluidly written and deceptively deep post-revisionism is the order of the day, and there are few contemporary authors to rival Gaddis for sheer persuasiveness. In the s and '80s John Lewis Gaddis established a distinguished reputation as the leader of the post-revisionist school on the origins of the Cold War.

    Since then, sadly, his writing has been characterised by a drift towards the misguided stance of the Reaganite Right. In his latest work he has made a commendable early attempt to analyise the substantive new reaources made avaliable by the declassification of the Soviet archives. Yet his title "We Now Know" a notion repeatedly asserted throughout this work claims far too much.

    The new evidence has contributed to the debate on the Cold War but does not provide all the answers - indeed, how could they have done? A radically different set of conclusions could be drawn from the archival evidence than those that Gaddis's deeply conservative perspective leads him to. This is a useful contribution to the debate on the Cold War, therefore, but nobody should be deluded into thinking this is a definitive work.

    We cannot expect all the arguments concerning the Cold War to be resolved at a stroke. The debate has a long way to run yet. See all 6 reviews. Would you like to see more reviews about this item?

    Pages with related products. See and discover other items: Unlimited One-Day Delivery and more. There's a problem loading this menu at the moment. Learn more about Amazon Prime. Get to Know Us. See Complete Table of Contents. Roosevelt more that Churchill believed that a post-war environment could be created where the egg could be nurtured in a manner to control the actions of this new chicken. This did not happen. As soon as the parents were not looking, the new chick attacked in an attempt to create its own little space in its new world Unfortunately for the coop, both parents soon left the scene, one having died and the other thrown out for not having listened to the others around him.

    One of the foster parents was very strict, attempting to set up a perimeter around the chick to contain him while the birth parent yelled from the outside, having seen his errors in allowing the egg to have hatched. At any point, these parents still had the ability to end the life of this chick but refused to take this albeit drastic measure. This is my problem with the Gaddis book — he refuses to lay blame upon the West for its inability to stop Stalin before it was too late.

    If you accept the beginning of the story, it is easy to follow the rest of the history as it plays out. Clearly once safely in power behind his buffer states, Stalin was free to act as he wanted, for he did not have to answer to an electorate that would keep him in power. The purges behind the Iron Curtain continued and the rest is the history that Gaddis presents to us in a spectacular fashion.

    Having read his previous works, I am not certain as to why Gaddis took this approach. Within a zero-sum game, there are always multiple actors; not just one person controls the game.

    Choices are made by all sides. To now just affix blame on one actor simply makes little sense. Even as vile and ruthless as Hitler was, historians have little trouble placing some of the blame for World War II on German appeasement by England and France. How can Gaddis not do the same? While much of the information that Gaddis uses does show that Stalin did create many of the situation that the West had to deal with, at every step, Stalin and eventually Khrushchev would back away when faced with strong opposition from the West.

    Gaddis does point to Greece and the Middle East as geopolitical examples of British and American success, but we must ask ourselves, did Stalin really want this land or was he seeing just how far he could wander outside of his safety zone?

    I for one believe the latter.

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    Gaddis has a knack for asking large and interesting questions, and he brings a of startling revelations from newly opened archives, what "we now know" turns. May 20, Gaddis has written a lively, deeply informed summary, the most accessible and compelling guide to the international conflicts, issues, and. In this final webinar of the "We Wrote the Book on Laser Therapy" series, learn from Ron Riegel, DVM (author and co-editor of the textbook that inspired this.

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    Gaddis has a knack for asking large and interesting questions, and he brings a of startling revelations from newly opened archives, what "we now know" turns.


    May 20, Gaddis has written a lively, deeply informed summary, the most accessible and compelling guide to the international conflicts, issues, and.


    In this final webinar of the "We Wrote the Book on Laser Therapy" series, learn from Ron Riegel, DVM (author and co-editor of the textbook that inspired this.


    Jul 9, We Now Know. Rethinking Cold War History. John Lewis Gaddis. A Clarendon Press Publication. Did the Soviet Union want world revolution?.


    WE NOW KNOW Rethinking Cold War History JOHN LEWIS GADDIS A COUNCIL ON . "Do as I say, not as I've done," I tell my students, who -viii- now know the line well enough that , for a good summary of the Marshall mission.


    Indiana Magazine of History We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History John Lewis Gaddis Book Review David M. Pletcher Indiana Magazine of History.


    Read the full-text online edition of We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History Synopsis. "A masterly review of the early pahses of the conflict between the.

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